Despite modern technology, there is no better way to send a message to the world than from a well-written and timely book.
Mark Levin has demonstrated the truth of this in his latest book, American Marxism, which can rally the nation back to American exceptionalism—a belief that once not only united her people but also united the free world for the last 80 years behind the United States.
Levin, a former chief of staff to U.S. President Ronald Reagan’s Attorney General Edwin Meese, is currently a leading conservative broadcaster who has become part of a central counterbalance to the legacy media organisations and social media companies that are increasingly steering journalism away from the principles of honesty, accuracy, and truthfulness.
Levin is also the author of a highly influential political library, with each one of his seven books enjoying the accolade of being a New York Times bestseller.
The essential theme in American Marxism is that the eternal and self-evident truth within the Declaration of Independence is that all men are created equal and are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, namely Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness.
Levine’s great ability as an author is that while he maintains intellectual integrity, his style is such that he remains accessible to all.
His singular achievement here is to make sense of the apparently unrelated, never-ending and increasingly bizarre dogmas that have poured out of the United States and spread across the world in recent years. Successfully piercing the camouflage of separateness carefully erected around each movement and demonstrating all can be traced back to one common source, what Winston Churchill described as the bacillus or bacteria of Marxism.
Thus Levin establishes the existence of Marxism with American characteristics.
Being a consummate media practitioner, Levin declares at the very opening of the book that this new form of Marxism constitutes a counter-revolution devouring American society, culture and threatening the destruction of the nation itself. A nation made exceptional, as Reagan asserted, less as a place and more as an idea, an idea “deep in the souls of Man.”
Karl Marx believed that it was inevitable that the exploited proletariat (lower classes) would overthrow the capitalist class and introduce a communist utopia in which the state would wither away. But as Levin says, Marx was wrong about almost everything.
The fact is that Lenin did not come to power in a proletarian uprising but in a narrowly won Bolshevik coup.
Nor did Mao rise to be the ruler of China because of a proletarian revolution; without industrialisation, the proletariat was, in fact, far too small.
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By David Flint
